Heth’s Division was getting reinforcements. Pettigrew and Brockenbrough’s Brigades were arriving in the field along with another of Hill’s divisions under William Dorsey Pender. Ewell’s Corps was approaching from the north at the same time. Oliver O. Howard’s newly arrived Union XI Corps was forced to race up the Taneytown Road, which ran south from Gettysburg along Cemetary Ridge, and up through town in order to hold the line and keep Ewell from outflanking I Corps from the right.
Howard left a brigade under Adolph Steinwehr on the high ground of Cemetery Hill to act as a reserve. This would prove fortuitous as the afternoon wore on.
The terrain south of Gettysburg is practically tailor-made for a battle. Cemetery Ridge forms a sort of fishhook, with the rounded, bottom part of the hook facing the city and the point anchored by Cemetery Hill to the east. The shaft of the fishhook then runs straight south with the heights topped by a low, brick wall. South of the Ridge the high ground gives way to a relatively flat area known as the Wheat Field that’s fronted to the west by the Peach Orchard. Further south the hills known as Little Round Top, then Round Top rise, covered to the east by a field of boulders called Devil’s Den.
For any force that found itself, as the Army of the Potomac did on July 1, 1863, on the field of Gettysburg and attacked by a larger force from the north and west, the battlefield at Gettysburg practically defined itself. As the Union forces collapsed throughout the afternoon of July 1, they naturally converged on Cemetery Ridge and Cemetery Hill. Of course the fact that the battlefield defined the Union lines also meant that it defined the Confederate objectives.
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This was where the loss of Stonewall Jackson at Chancellorsville came back to haunt Robert E. Lee. He issued an order to Richard Ewell commanding him to take Cemetery Hill if it was possible. Jackson probably would not have taken this order as a suggestion. He would have seen Cemetery Hill’s position as absolutely key to the battlefield, assessed the flagging Union defense north of Gettysburg, and done everything in his power to take Cemetery Hill. Ewell chose to conclude that the assault was not practicable. The Confederates lost their best chance to win at Gettysburg when Ewell made that choice.
Meade’s subordinates, meanwhile, did not fail him. Howard agreed with Buford’s assessment that the land was good for a fight. When Winfield Scott Hancock, Meade’s most trusted subordinate, arrived at a crucial point he, too, agreed and set about making sure the retreating Union forces took their places along the north side of Cemetery Ridge.
Ewell did have a subordinate aggressive enough to take the high ground. Isaac Trimble, who had fought under Jackson at Cross Keys and through every engagement until he was wounded at Second Bull Run was under Ewell’s command but had no troops under his direct command. He noticed that off to the east of Cemetery Hill another rise, Culp’s Hill, was vacant and in perfect position to dominate Cemetery Hill and keep the Union from anchoring their right flank.
Trimble didn’t get the troops he needed to take Culp’s Hill. In his papers Trimble claimed that Ewell said he had no orders to engage. Michael Shaara’s The Killer Angels, which became the movie Gettysburg, had a powerful, but probably not accurate account of Trimble’s report to Lee.
“The man is a disgrace. Sir, have you heard what the men are saying? Ask General Gordon, General Ewell, ask them. We could have taken that hill! God in his wisdom knows we should have taken it. There was no one there, no one there at all and it commanded the town.
“General Gordon saw it, I mean, he was with us. Me and Ewell and Gordon all standing there in the dark like fat, great idiots with that bloody damned hill empty. I beg your pardon, general. That bloody damned hill as bare as his bloody damned head. We all saw it, as god as my witness we were all there.
“I said to him, ‘General Ewell, we have got to take that hill. General Jackson would not have stopped like this with the bluebellies on the run and there was plenty of light left and a hill like that standing there empty.’[…]
“Sir, I said to him, ‘General Ewell,’ these words, I said to him, ‘Sir, give me one division, and I will take that hill.’ And he said nothing. He just stood there and he stared at me. I said, ‘General Ewell, give me one brigade, and I will take that hill.’ I was becoming disturbed, sir. And General Ewell put his arms behind him and blinked. So I said, ‘General, give me one regiment, and I will take that hill.'
“And he said nothing. He just stood there. I threw down my sword, down on the ground in front of him.
“We, we could have done it, sir. A blind man should have seen it. Now they’re working up there. You can hear the axes of the Federal troops. So in the morning many a good boy will die, taking that hill.”
Day 1 at Gettysburg was a story of uncharacteristic failure on the part of the Army of Northern Virginia and uncharacteristic success on the part of the Army of the Potomac. Stuart failed to play the role cavalry was supposed to play. Ewell failed to exploit that Union retreat. At the same time John Buford proved the Union cavalry was far better than anyone had suspected up until that point. John Reynolds and Winfield Scott Hancock fought more aggressively than expected and held their ground and managed to keep organized in a rearguard all day against superior forces. Oliver O. Howard managed to make up for his failure to hold the right flank at Chancellorsville.
And so Day 1 at Gettysburg passed in to Day 2. The Union commanded the high ground at Cemetery Ridge, Cemetery Hill, and Culp’s Hill.
But now Longstreet was in the field. Lafayette McLaws’ Division and John Bell Hood’s Division were on the Confederate right prepared to assault through the Wheatfield and the Round Tops. If they could take the hills they’d be able to roll up the Union left flank.
The fight was far from over.
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The videos, by the by, are from the movie Gettysburg. Anyone who is shocked to learn it's one of my all-time favorites hasn't been paying close attention...
7 comments:
Adult supervision, really excellent leadership, of the Army of the Potomac vs. average Confederate leadership on Day 1, supports your case for the role of leadership in the war very well. Exciting stuff!
"On the morning of July 1 Heth’s Division of A.P. Hill’s Corps headed down the Chambersburg Pike toward Gettysburg for a reconnaissance in force. Buford’s cavalry was dismounted and arrayed along the ridges to the west of town."
Have you ever played the computer game, "Sid Meyer's Gettysburg"? I played that scenario over and over and over.
Y'know, I've never played Sid Meier's Gettysburg, which is odd when you consider that I'm a huge Civil War nerd and I'm a huge Civilization and Colonization nerd (although I vastly prefer the original Colonization to the new one...
I did play an awful lot of Robert E. Lee: Civil War General, however. It was actually disturbingly easy to win Gettysburg as the Confederates in that game. All I had to do was use part of Heth's Division to distract Buford's cavalry and swing the rest around to block the Iron Brigade. This generally disrupted Howard's advance up the Taneytown Road enough that I could put Ewell's Corps on to the north end of Cemetery Ridge and from that point on I owned the battlefield.
I think, though, by the first time I played the game I already knew what Lee should have done on Day 1.
OK, since you invoked the Nerd Word, have you ever seen this:
http://www.virtualgettysburg.com/
I met the author demonstrating the software at the Gettysburg visitors center a few years back. It would be pretty sweet for visualizing the ground when reading about the battle if you can't get there to visit easily.
At the same time John Buford proved the Union cavalry was far better than anyone had suspected up until that point.
Yeah, but after Brandy Station, there was not much of an excuse to not suspect it. I'm inclined to think that's a big part of the reason Stuart was off TDY in the first place.
But Lee had other cavalry, right*? So why didn't they have their feelers out?
* big assumption on my part
atimetorend:
Why do you tell me about things like that? Do I look like someone who has an extra $130 to spend on something entirely for the nerd factor?
El Borak:
You're right about Brandy Station. For some reason I thought that the engagement was closer to the Battle of Gettysburg and the only Confederate that had actually discovered the Union cavalry had noticeably improved was Stuart himself. It's a known fact that Stuart had already received negative write-ups in the newspapers between Brandy Station and Gettysburg.
So, uh, chalk that one up to a brain fart and an attempt at a rhetorical flourish...
So, uh, chalk that one up to a brain fart and an attempt at a rhetorical flourish...
No, no, I think you were correct. I was blaming Lee.
Look at it this way: at first, the Confederate cavalry was incredibly good compared to the Union, but only because wild-eyed southern boys already knew how to ride and shoot. But clerks from Chicago can also learn to ride and shoot, it just takes a while. I don't think the Confederates ever considered for even a moment the necessarily temporary nature of their advantage.
So when they won, just barely, at Brandy Station, it never entered the southern mind that the Union cavalry was much improved. Instead they blamed it on some personal failure on the part of JEB.
Diagnose the wrong disease and it will seldom be long before you swallow the wrong cure.
So when they won, just barely, at Brandy Station, it never entered the southern mind that the Union cavalry was much improved. Instead they blamed it on some personal failure on the part of JEB.
Good point. As I recall, the critical newspaper reports of Brandy Station focused on Stuart being full of himself and wearing out his cavalry with the grand reviews of June 5 and 8. Pleasanton's Union cavalry caught Stuart by surprise twice that day (once with the main attack and again with the flank attack), so I think that Stuart's failure was chalked up to the surprise factor and ego.
Although, to be fair, the point of cavalry is to keep the army from being surprised, so if the cavalry is surprised...
That's one of those places where it would be really interesting to see what would have happened had the cavalry raids Hooker ordered for Stoneman's cavalry in conjunction with Chancellorsville actually happened. Union cavalry success during May could have changed the entire makeup of the cavalry operations in the Gettysburg campaign.
Meanwhile, I totally forgot to address the answer to your question of Lee's other cavalry. The short answer is that Stuart only had three of Lee's seven brigades. Two of the remaining brigades were detached from the army and watching mountain passes. Neither would re-join Lee until the 3rd. One of the remaining brigades was with Ewell and the other was apparently distrusted by Lee, so he'd sent them out on a foraging expedition.
In short, it was a case of Stuart screwing up and Lee greviously mismanaging his remaining cavalry assets.
Eric Wittenberg at Rantings of a Civil War Historian recently answered the question. If you want to read a fairly lengthy piece on Lee's cavalry's disposition, this is probably a good place to start. I pretty much cribbed the previous paragraphs off of his entry...
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